Research Report / Forskningsrapport

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Sociologiska institutionens forskningsrapportserie startade 1964 och finns fr o m 2005 också som e-publikation. Se lista över tidigare års utgivning.

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Mäns våld mot kvinnor - ett diskursivt slagfält. Reflektioner kring kunskapsläget
(Sociologiska institutionen, Göteborgs universitet, 2003) Steen, Anne-Lie
In Sweden, men’s violence against women in close relationships, often named as women abuse, has for the last two decades been a topic in the women’s movement as well as a topic on the political agenda, among them The Protection of Women’s Integrity reform, resulting in different assignments to authorities both on a local and central level to work out different solutions to the problem. This report started off primarily as one of these assignments with the aim to present and discuss contemporary knowledge on women abuse in Sweden. The aim of the report has been somewhat extended but deals primarily with the production of knowledge about women abuse as stated in the original assignment from the National Board of Health and Welfare which also made the report possible by contributing economically. The aim of the report is to explore what understandings are expressed in different texts concerning men’s violence against women, the male perpetrator and the female victim and to discuss the implications of these specific understandings in relation to different practices assigned to deal with (and resolve) the problem. The report is based on approximately 150 texts, produced by those who have an academic interest in the question as well as by those who meet with the problem in their different professions and occupations. The report consists of five sections. In the first two sections the problem is presented and discussed as a juridical one, as figures of different statistics of male violence, and as different official ways of defining and dealing with the problem. The third section is an overview of what definitions are given the status of truth, and by whom, thereby constructing a specific space of knowledge. Differences and similarities, changes and continuities over time are highlighted. At first sight there might seem to be a mutual understanding of the problem, one dominating discourse on how to understand male violence against women, expressed both by academic producers, representatives for women shelters and in political documentation, locating the problem within a gender-power perspective. Taking a closer look, the space of knowledge rather appears to be one of a struggle. The struggle mainly has to do with how men’s violence against women is conceptualised: (1) as an expression of male power or powerlessness; (2) the male perpetrator as gradually or totally different from other males; (3) male violence as culturally accepted or unacceptable acts of violence. The section concludes with an overview showing that the space of knowledge is a highly contested one where naming and defining of terms can be understood as a struggle for power on a discursive level. The fourth section consists of a detailed outline of three different ways of locating and explaining the problem of male violence against women, namely as an individual, a marital or a societal problem. The section ends with a discussion on possible consequences of these perspectives. The examination is based on texts produced by three persons, chosen as representatives of opposite views. The section concludes with a discussion on whether these contradictive explanations partly might be understood as differences in objectives, goals and purposes of the studies. The fifth section is to be understood as a provocative exploration of what problems and possibilities, in a broader sense, there may be, producing a certain form of knowledge on violence in intimate relationships, the male perpetrator and the female victim. The discussions focuses upon descriptions picturing violence as a bad but inevitable part of women life, naturalizing the problem; the question of equality, both as the problem and as the solution of the problem; descriptions of the female victim creating images of weakness, sickliness and powerlessness; the problem of excluding or including same-sex partner violence in existing feminist theories, and the recurrent question of “why doesn’t she leave?”
Om föräldrars tidspress : orsaker och förändringsmöjligheter
(2007-09-28T13:17:06Z) Larsson, Jörgen
This is a report from a research project financed by The Swedish Research Council Formas with the aim of developing knowledge about strategies for mastering families’ time pressure. The analysis is based on data from time use surveys, carried out by Statistics Sweden in 2001. 47 percent of the respondents with children living at home often experience difficulties in managing everything that has to be done – the corresponding number for people without children is 31 percent. I have used linear regression analysis to identify which factors explain variations in parents´ subjective time pressure. The most important work related factor found in this study is the length of the working week, but longer commuting time also contributes to time pressure. Having a managerial or other highly qualified job also increases time pressure in private life. Surprisingly, this is also the case for jobs where the individual has influence over when to begin and end the working day. Among the family factors contributing to time pressure the number of children is the most important. Regularly taking care of someone outside one’s own household, as well as having a partner who regularly works overtime, increases one’s time pressure. Consumption and housing factors are also linked with higher time pressure: owning a house instead of renting an apartment as well as carrying out do-it-yourself-projects. On average Swedish couples with pre-school children carry out ten hours more of paid work per week compared with 30 years ago. This, along with substantially higher consumption levels, constitutes a base for increasing time pressure. Based on the results above, I discuss possible changes that could lower parents’ time pressure. The main possibility is related to shorter hours for paid work. One version of this is less overtime. Another way is the legal right that Swedish parents have to cut their hours down to 30 with a subsequent loss in pay. Many parents want to do this but apparently there are social structures hindering them. Progressive employers could actively offer them a shorter workweek and politicians could introduce a partial compensation for the income loss. This would enhance social acceptance of working less hours. If some kind of “equality-bonus” was involved a positive gender effect could also be possible.
Resor i arbetet. En kartläggning av svenskarnas tjänsteresor 1995-2001
(Sociologiska institutionen, Göteborgs universitet, 2005) Gustafson, Per
This is a first report from a research project on work-related travel in Sweden, financed by the Swedish council for working life and social research. The purpose of the report is to investigate to what extent people travel in order to perform their work tasks, how different categories of workers differ in their travel activity, and for what different purposes they travel. Travel between home and the normal place of work is not included in the analyses. Data from national travel surveys, carried out by Statistics Sweden between 1995 and 2001, are used for the study. These surveys provide detailed information on travel activity from large national samples, but they also present some limitations with regard to the purpose of this report. One important limitation is that travel in the transport sector was registered only to a limited extent. The empirical sections of the report primarily investigate the travel activity of different categories of workers, with regard to sociodemographic characteristics, work-related conditions and family situation. The analyses generally show that those in privileged positions in working life tend to travel more than those less privileged. Persons with university education, high incomes, and full-time employment (or self-employed) travel more than others, and men travel considerably more than women. Differences in travel activity are also found with regard to age, industrial classification, geographical region and telecommuting. As for family situation, differences in travel activity are relatively small with regard to civil status and whether or not the respondents have children. An analysis of the relationship between work-related travel and travel for other purposes shows no clear pattern. In addition, the report suggests a typology of different kinds of work-related travel, based on the purpose of the journeys. The analysis indicates that different categories of workers do not only differ with regard to how much they travel, but also travel for different purposes and under different circumstances. However, such differences are captured only to a limited extent in the travel surveys, and are therefore pointed out as an interesting field for further empirical studies.

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