dc.contributor.author | Bolkvadze, Ketevan | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2017-12-04T13:56:49Z | |
dc.date.available | 2017-12-04T13:56:49Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2017-12-04 | |
dc.identifier.isbn | 978-91-984402-3-2 (PDF) | |
dc.identifier.isbn | 978-91-984402-2-5 (PRINT) | |
dc.identifier.issn | 0346-5942 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/2077/54561 | |
dc.description.abstract | Every year the European Union, as well as numerous other international organizations, states, and
transnational networks wield ample resources to promote democratic governance in the developing
countries. However, the impact of these reform promotion efforts varies widely. Many scholars have
blamed structural conditions, or the inadequate rewards offered by the donors, as the reasons behind
the partial impact of external actors. However, such approach portrays recipient governments as
passive objects of the external influence, and overlooks the fact that domestic actors can, themselves,
actively subvert or facilitate the reforms. In this dissertation, Ketevan Bolkvadze addresses this gap,
by departing from the literature on hybrid regimes, and by placing incumbents and their incentives
structures at the forefront of the analysis. The three different studies in this thesis zero in on the hybrid
regimes in Moldova and Georgia, and examine how political fragmentation and incumbent’s timehorizons
shaped their response to the EU-promoted reforms.
The findings from this dissertation show that the external actors are often caught between a rock and a
hard place. When they provide assistance for reforms in dominant-party hybrid regimes, incumbents
might use this to bolster their popular support, while, in parallel, side-lining their opponents. Thus,
donor assistance might help them perpetuate their political tenure. By contrast, while in fragmented
hybrid regimes authoritarian tendencies are not an immediate risk, incumbent politicians often use the
existing malfunctioning state institutions – and even donor assistance - for reaping personal monetary
benefits. In the first case, donor assistance ends up being used for partisan purposes; in the second
case, it risks being used for private ends. Both are troubling outcomes. | sv |
dc.language.iso | eng | sv |
dc.relation.ispartofseries | Göteborg Studies in Politics | sv |
dc.relation.ispartofseries | 153 | sv |
dc.relation.haspart | Bolkvadze, K. (2016) Cherry Picking EU Conditionality: Selective Compliance in Georgia’s Hybrid
Regime, Europe-Asia Studies, 68:3, 409-440. ::doi::10.1080/09668136.2016.1154138 | sv |
dc.relation.haspart | Bolkvadze, K. (2017) Hitting the Saturation Point: Unpacking the Politics of Bureaucratic Reforms in
Hybrid Regimes, Democratization, 24:4, 751-769.
::doi::10.1080/13510347.2016.1247808 | sv |
dc.relation.haspart | Bolkvadze, K. (2017) To Reform, or to Resist? Political Fragmentation and Judicial Corruption in Hybrid
Regimes. Unpublished manuscript. | sv |
dc.subject | hybrid regimes | sv |
dc.subject | EU conditionality | sv |
dc.subject | external reform promotion | sv |
dc.subject | bureaucracy | sv |
dc.subject | judiciary | sv |
dc.subject | corruption | sv |
dc.title | Governing the Grey Zone: Why Hybrid Regimes in Europe’s Eastern Neighborhood Pursue Partial Governance Reforms | sv |
dc.type | Text | |
dc.type.svep | Doctoral thesis | eng |
dc.gup.mail | ketevan.bolkvadze@gu.se | sv |
dc.gup.mail | kety.b.bolkvadze@gmail.com | sv |
dc.type.degree | Doctor of Philosophy | sv |
dc.gup.origin | University of Gothenburg. Faculty of Social Sciences | eng |
dc.gup.origin | Göteborgs universitet. Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten | swe |
dc.gup.department | Department of Political Science ; Statsvetenskapliga institutionen | sv |
dc.gup.defenceplace | Fredagen den 26 januari 2018, kl. 13.15 i Torgny Segerstedtssalen, Universitetets huvudbyggnad, Vasaparken 1, Göteborg. | sv |
dc.gup.defencedate | 2018-01-26 | |
dc.gup.dissdb-fakultet | SF | |