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dc.contributor.authorBolkvadze, Ketevan
dc.date.accessioned2017-12-04T13:56:49Z
dc.date.available2017-12-04T13:56:49Z
dc.date.issued2017-12-04
dc.identifier.isbn978-91-984402-3-2 (PDF)
dc.identifier.isbn978-91-984402-2-5 (PRINT)
dc.identifier.issn0346-5942
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/2077/54561
dc.description.abstractEvery year the European Union, as well as numerous other international organizations, states, and transnational networks wield ample resources to promote democratic governance in the developing countries. However, the impact of these reform promotion efforts varies widely. Many scholars have blamed structural conditions, or the inadequate rewards offered by the donors, as the reasons behind the partial impact of external actors. However, such approach portrays recipient governments as passive objects of the external influence, and overlooks the fact that domestic actors can, themselves, actively subvert or facilitate the reforms. In this dissertation, Ketevan Bolkvadze addresses this gap, by departing from the literature on hybrid regimes, and by placing incumbents and their incentives structures at the forefront of the analysis. The three different studies in this thesis zero in on the hybrid regimes in Moldova and Georgia, and examine how political fragmentation and incumbent’s timehorizons shaped their response to the EU-promoted reforms. The findings from this dissertation show that the external actors are often caught between a rock and a hard place. When they provide assistance for reforms in dominant-party hybrid regimes, incumbents might use this to bolster their popular support, while, in parallel, side-lining their opponents. Thus, donor assistance might help them perpetuate their political tenure. By contrast, while in fragmented hybrid regimes authoritarian tendencies are not an immediate risk, incumbent politicians often use the existing malfunctioning state institutions – and even donor assistance - for reaping personal monetary benefits. In the first case, donor assistance ends up being used for partisan purposes; in the second case, it risks being used for private ends. Both are troubling outcomes.sv
dc.language.isoengsv
dc.relation.ispartofseriesGöteborg Studies in Politicssv
dc.relation.ispartofseries153sv
dc.relation.haspartBolkvadze, K. (2016) Cherry Picking EU Conditionality: Selective Compliance in Georgia’s Hybrid Regime, Europe-Asia Studies, 68:3, 409-440. ::doi::10.1080/09668136.2016.1154138sv
dc.relation.haspartBolkvadze, K. (2017) Hitting the Saturation Point: Unpacking the Politics of Bureaucratic Reforms in Hybrid Regimes, Democratization, 24:4, 751-769. ::doi::10.1080/13510347.2016.1247808sv
dc.relation.haspartBolkvadze, K. (2017) To Reform, or to Resist? Political Fragmentation and Judicial Corruption in Hybrid Regimes. Unpublished manuscript.sv
dc.subjecthybrid regimessv
dc.subjectEU conditionalitysv
dc.subjectexternal reform promotionsv
dc.subjectbureaucracysv
dc.subjectjudiciarysv
dc.subjectcorruptionsv
dc.titleGoverning the Grey Zone: Why Hybrid Regimes in Europe’s Eastern Neighborhood Pursue Partial Governance Reformssv
dc.typeText
dc.type.svepDoctoral thesiseng
dc.gup.mailketevan.bolkvadze@gu.sesv
dc.gup.mailkety.b.bolkvadze@gmail.comsv
dc.type.degreeDoctor of Philosophysv
dc.gup.originUniversity of Gothenburg. Faculty of Social Scienceseng
dc.gup.originGöteborgs universitet. Samhällsvetenskapliga fakultetenswe
dc.gup.departmentDepartment of Political Science ; Statsvetenskapliga institutionensv
dc.gup.defenceplaceFredagen den 26 januari 2018, kl. 13.15 i Torgny Segerstedtssalen, Universitetets huvudbyggnad, Vasaparken 1, Göteborg.sv
dc.gup.defencedate2018-01-26
dc.gup.dissdb-fakultetSF


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