Internationella relationer

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Governing the Womb: Reproductive Inequality and State Power Post Roe
(2025-08-27) Breiler, Ella; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
This thesis explores the inequality of reproductive rights and abortion healthcare access within the United States of America, showing how abortion is problematised in law and how post-Roe abortion policies contribute to structural inequality. My thesis focuses on six legislative texts from Texas, Mississippi and California, using Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to Be?” (WPR) framework, drawing on postcolonial feminist theory, the concept of intersectionality and Foucault’s theory of biopower. The analysis demonstrates how contrasting legal frameworks produce unequal realities by drawing on the lived experiences of three individuals across different states. While in Texas, we see a model built on surveillance and public enforcement, Mississippi shows a punitive approach rooted in moral authority and criminalisation, leaving California demonstrating a rights-based framework that centres abortion as healthcare, though access remains shaped by structural inequality. The abortion laws and individual cases analysed in this thesis function as sites of powerknowledge, revealing how biopower governs reproductive rights by regulating bodies, enforcing norms and determining who is granted autonomy. The findings of this thesis suggest that since the overturning of Roe v. Wade, reproductive inequality in the United States has become increasingly defined by geography. Access to abortion is shaped by state borders, but also by structural inequalities within those same areas. Race, income level, immigration status and access to transport all determine who can exercise reproductive autonomy and who cannot. Drawing on Foucault’s biopower, this thesis concludes that abortion law functions as a technology of state control, where the regulation of reproduction is used to manage populations, enforce norms and determine which lives are protected.
Människohandel - en analys utifrån risk, hot och en ”medlidande politik”
(2024-09-23) Karlsson, Emelie; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
I och med globaliseringsprocesser har synen på vad som är att betrakta som hot kommit att förändras. Den typ av militära hot som vi tidigare stått inför har blivit allt mer sällan förekommande och ersätts idag gradvis av vad som upplevs som andra typer av nya, transnationella hot såsom miljöförstörelse, terrorism och människors ökade rörlighet över gränser med staters restriktivare gränspolitik som följd. Något som uppmärksammats allt mer i takt med en ökad globalisering är konsekvenserna av en ökad rörlighet och en allt mer restriktiv gränspolitik; människohandel. I en tid där ett lands främsta säkerhetsangelägenhet inte längre består i att fysiskt skydda sina gränser mot andra nationers militära intrång så ställs allt högre krav på samarbete över landsgränserna. Detta samarbete har sedan tidigare genererat internationella organ såsom FN och EU. Dessa organ fungerar dock som paraply organ över ett stort antal länder med individuella lagstiftningar och de beslut som tas på internationell nivå kommer därmed ofrånkomligen att motsäga ett antal av dessa länders redan existerande lagar och praxis på området. Då människohandel har kommit att blir nära sammankopplat med begrepp såsom prostitution och sexarbete undersöks i denna studie krocken mellan det av FN formulerade The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, även kallat Palermoprotokollet, som har till syfte att motverka människohandel främst med kvinnor och barn utsatta för människohandel för sexuella ändamål i förhållande till två olika lagstiftningar som den tyska- och svenska sexköpslagstiftningen. Trots att man i Sverige och Tyskland valt att stifta två mycket skilda sexköpslagar så har båda länderna valt att signera Palermoprotokollet. Uppsatsen påvisar med hjälp av Claudia Aradaus tankar om risk, hot och en medlidande politik bakgrunden till hur två länder med mycket skild lagstiftning motiverar sina beslut att signera ett och samma internationella dokument.
(Swift) sanctions and the rise of parallel payment systems: A qualitative study of financial infrastructure and power dynamics in times of FinTech
(2023-10-05) Klehr, Jacqueline; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
In 2022, the West imposed sanctions of unprecedented scale on Russia following the war in Ukraine, including severing Moscow from the main global financial message provider, Swift, with the objective to harm the ability of Russian banks to operate globally. As the global financial system is centralised, being severed from Swift significantly complicates the process of conducting cross border payments. As payments are the heart of global finance, states have developed parallel payment systems able to circumvent sanctions by using financial technology. The purpose of this study is to uncover the significance of weaponising financial infrastructure in correlation to payment systems and power dynamics, through a theoretical framework of infrastructure, global networks and weaponised interdependence. The study is based on two research questions regarding sanctions in relation to power and technology and based on two documents published by actors on different sides of the sanctioned spectrum, Russia and the IMF. The study is conducted through the analytical framework of thematic analysis, where themes of independent infrastructure, fragmentation, settlement and crypto assets were identified. The results and analysis points at global geopolitical changes of fragmentation and the emergence of blocs following sanctions, vulnerability and asymmetrical power dynamics in financial networks where centralised actors use “chokepoint” effects on interdependent actors, and both financial infrastructure and the financial technology facilitating it being the most important tools of power. Results further point at development of domestic financial infrastructure having a wide range of global implications.
What are the odds of civil war? Investigating the relationship between quality of government, voter turnout, civil war, and the Democratic peace theory
(2023-10-05) Nordberg, Salome; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
The aim of this thesis is to quantitatively investigate the relationship between the quality of government, voter turnout, and civil war. By doing a hypothesistesting analysis through logistic regression. The hypothesis relevant to this thesis reads (1) There is a negative relationship between the quality of government and the odds of civil war and (2) In states, with high quality of government and a high percentage voter turnout there is a lower odd of civil war occurring, compared to only checking for QoG. Previous research has confirmed an inverted U-curved relationship between democracy and the risk of civil war, what this thesis contributes is instead of democracy as the independent variable, a measurement for quality of government is used. Quality of government covers more areas than what the definition of democracy does. Voter turnout is of interest due to the broad variation within different types of regimes. Firstly, two separate logistic regressions were conducted with the dependent variable occurrence of civil war, the first one with the independent variable quality of government, and secondly the dependent variable and the moderating variable voter turnout. Thereafter, a multiple logistic regression was conducted with the dependent, independent, and moderating variables. The data for the variables were gathered from three main research institutes within their field, namely Quality of Government, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, and Varieties of Democracy. The results of the thesis, show a variance, but support for the two hypotheses of this thesis, which describe that high quality of government decreases the odds of civil war. And when adding voter turnout to the model, after conducting a likelihood ratio test, depicts a better overall model compared to without quality of government and voter turnout. When discussing the results, it is evident that the democratic peace theory, which explains how democracies do not go to war with other democracies, can be applicable to the thesis results. The most recent years have shown numbers describing a decrease, but more intense, civil war, at the same time authoritarian regimes and hybrid regimes increase. These numbers do not correlate with previous research illustrating that hybrid regimes are most likely to develop civil war. Therefore, this thesis result concludes that quality of government cannot be categorized in the same manner as the three main regime types, but the thesis emphasizes that quality of government does explain some of the odds of civil war.
National identity and foreign policy: An analysis of the performative in Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy and the Swedish national identity
(2023-02-09) Mcloughlin Laewen, Sydney; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Viewing Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) as a paradigmatically case of national identity formulation, this thesis overarching aim is to answer the following research question: to what extent is Sweden’s national identity constructed through foreign policy? It assumes that there is a correlation between foreign policy and national identity, with background in earlier theoretical work of selected poststructuralists who all rely on the performativity theory of Judith Butler. It assumes that Sweden and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs have a self-perception of itself as feminist and gender equal. Thus, the intention of thesis is to get a further understanding of how the Feminist Foreign Policy can be understood as a performative act which constitutes the Swedish self-concept as gender equal. To explore the formulation of national identity through foreign policy from a critical perspective, critical discourse analysis (CDA) is used as methodology. Data is retrieved by mapping out the linguistics, discourses and social practices through the methodology of CDA and Fairclough’s three-dimensional model, while the theoretical framework of performativity is applied to interpret the results. Speeches and policy documents that address Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in an international context are examined, held or published by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Foreign Affairs Margot Wallström. The findings suggest that foreign policy is highly interdependent with the constitution of the Swedish national identity, brought out by the case of Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy and Sweden’s self-perceived identity as gender equal. By demonstrating the relation between the two phenomena, deeper and richer research is called upon.
Local Entertainers in Cebu, Philippines: Entertainment and Sex Work: The Struggle for Empowerment
(2022-11-09) Loyzaga Skoglund, Judith; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
The purpose of this thesis is to examine why local women in Cebu, Philippines, chose to work as entertainers and sex workers. It will examine how their occupation affect their daily lives, in regard to their economy and their social relations with their families, colleagues and customers. In addition, the thesis also examines what social and economic factors can be pinpointed, that lead these women to take up the entertainer occupation, rather than seeking other types of work in the Philippines. For this research, a qualitative method was used, with semi-structured interviews that was conducted during my field studies in the Philippines over four weeks in the spring of 2014. The interviews was done with 13 local women working as entertainers. Additionally, a short participant observation also took place in local bars and clubs where the women were working in Cebu. The results have been analyzed from a feminist standpoint theory, with focus on liberal and radical feminist perspectives. Due to poverty and unemployment in the Philippines, many women (and men), find it hard to acquire a sufficient livelihood to provide for the needs of themselves and their family. The conclusion of the thesis is that, for these specific women, the choice of working as entertainers is a pragmatic and rational choice. By taking on work as an entertainer, they are able to not only empower themselves, but also the people around them.
“Det mäktigaste landet i världen”: En diskursanalys av USA:s identitetsskapande genom kärnvapenstrategi under president Obama respektive Trump
(2022-04-07) Holmberg, Michael; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
This bachelor thesis analyzes how identity is constructed through US nuclear strategy along three themes. The research questions are: which similarities and differences exist between the US nuclear strategy during Presidents Obama and Trump, regarding: a) self image; b) enemy image; c) friend image? The theoretical framework is structured according to the three themes. For the first and third theme, Karlsson’s (2014) theoretical models about Manifest Destiny and liberal or conservative internationalism are used. For the second theme, David Campbell's theory of “Self and Other” (1998) is used. A poststructuralist discourse analysis outlined by Hansen (2006) is also used to answer the research questions. It brings focus to the political, social, relational and discursive role of identity in combination with foreign policy. The material includes the policy documents Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) from 2010 and 2018, along with statements and remarks from Presidents Obama (2009-2017) and Trump (2017-2021). The results show how both presidents tries to establish a picture of the US as exceptional in some way. Obama considers nuclear terrorism and nuclear proliferation as the main threat to United States, while Trump instead regards great power rivalry as the biggest concern. Even though both assures US allies of security commitment, Trump questions the cooperation within NATO while Obama defends it. In conclusion, this study hopefully serves as an example of how a realist policy area can be combined with a non-traditional theory like poststructuralism.
“The natural evolution of non-alignment” A qualitative case study of how Sweden’s identity as non-aligned is reconstructed through narratives in a changing security context
(2022-02-02) Katthän, Dorotea; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Sweden’s defence policy is characterized by non-alignment, which historically has meant avoiding military alliances to stay neutral in war. This policy of non-alignment is over 200 years old and deeply ingrained into Swedish national identity. In recent years, military tensions in Europe have increased, most notably through the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea and subsequent presence of Russia in northern Europe. This increased threat has brought on a shift in the strategic implementation of the non-aligned policy and Sweden has increasingly been seeking military cooperation. This shift in the policy has received criticism from the public, as well as attention from the academic community. Scholars have mostly focused on the strategic implementation of the policy in this new security context, while leaving the implications for identity mostly unexplored. This thesis aims to understand how Sweden’s identity as non-aligned is reconstructed in this changing security context. I do this through a qualitative analysis of articles and speeches published by the Swedish government regarding the military cooperation between Sweden and Finland. I utilize a framework of strategic narratives, distinguishing between system, identity, and issue narratives. The thesis draws upon critical constructivist theory and the co-constitutive nature of identity and security, emphasizing the role of language. This approach enabled me to study the discursive connections between identity as plural and fluid in the context of Sweden’s non-alignment. Findings show that the tensions arising between the normative and strategic parts of non-alignment are being resolved discursively. The Swedish Government achieves this mainly through drawing on three distinct identity narratives. The first represents the historical non-aligned identity and is contrasted by the two other identity narratives. These additional narratives both serve to extend the notion of “we” and emphasize collective security obligations, thus facilitating the strategic implementation of military cooperation. All narratives exist simultaneously but are utilized by the government in different contexts. Thus, non-alignment is still held high but has been re-constructed discursively through these two additional identity narratives.
Ensamkommande barn: En diskursanalys av den retoriska utvecklingen i USA
(2021-09-02) Brookes, Emily; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Syftet med det här arbetet är att undersöka åtta kommittémöten i den amerikanska kongressens representanthus för att se hur retoriken ser ut kring ensamkommande barn för åren 2015–2019. Specifikt innebär detta att med hjälp av en poststrukturalistisk utgångspunkt hitta de retoriska strategier och sanningsregimer som tillsammans konstruerar förståelsen av ensamkommande barns identitet. Denna förståelse får en direkt inverkan på de lagar som går igenom kongressen och påverkar således även ensamkommande barns behandling i USA. Som framkommer i arbetet så grundas barnens identitet på två olika skildringar som dels porträtterar barnen som ett hot och dels som offer. För att analysera detta används Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys. Från diskursanalysen används dess tredimensionella modell för att analysera kommittémötena. Modellen bygger på diskurs som text, diskursiv praktik och social praktik vilket även gör att analysen kompletteras med tal från de dåvarande presidenterna Barack Obama och Donald Trump. Resultatet tyder på att de diskurser som finns utanför representanthusets möten har en inverkan på den övervägande ton som används för att prata om immigration i allmänhet men i synnerhet för att diskutera ensamkommande barn.
Hur motiveras svensk biståndspolitik genom diskurser om säkerhet?: En kritisk diskursanalys av policyramverket för svenskt utvecklingssamarbete och humanitärt bistånd (2016)
(2021-07-07) Ekström, Josefina; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
This essay is a critical discourse analysis of representations of security that are visible in the Swedish aid policy. The text aims to analyse discourses of security, through lenses of poststructuralist critique, in the current policy framework represented by the Swedish government from 2016 (Policyramverket för svenskt utvecklingssamarbete och humanitärt bistånd 2016/17:60). The study aims to give an insight into how Swedish aid is linked with a security perspective and how that affects Sweden as a global actor. Therefore, the question was formulated: How is Swedish aid motivated through discourses about security? To answer this question the study is supported and constructed through two subquestions: What is motivated as a security issue in the Swedish aid policy? and How is Sweden presented as an actor? The result of the study shows that several discourses of security are represented in the framework - ecological security, global security, human security, and economic security. Furthermore, the study also shows how the Swedish government motivates its approach of aid is strongly linked to security. The essay also gives an insight into Sweden's role in the world and how Swedish aid is strongly reflected in the nation's identity and values.
BRI- En idé om en ny värld som materialiseras genom infrastruktur? En kritisk diskursanalys om hur BRI:s nyckeldokument utmanar idéer och normer inom den globala styrningen Katarina Hedencrona
(2021-02-09) Hedencrona, Katarina; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a Chinese infrastructure project, initiated in 2013, with a plan to be finished in 2049. The project has received a great amount of media attention and has been scrutinized carefully due to suspicion towards China’s intentions. Research wise, BRI has been popular and a common area of research lies within the geopolitical sphere, however, this study aimed exploring how global governance can be challenged by the project, and mainly in terms of ideas and norms, adding to the ideational research about BRI. Hence, the purpose of this study is to analyse China’s narrative generated by the BRI project by answering the question formulation: “How does the BRI potentially challenge ideas and norms on global governance? ” This is executed by a critical discourse analysis of the key documents officially published by the Chinese state about BRI, which included a systematic approach in finding themes. The results were analyzed with a theoretical framework with a ground in social constructivism. Lastly, the results demonstrated four themes in which China as the founder and leader of BRI, aimed at challenging the current norms and ideas about global governance. These four themes are: the integration discourse, BRI is a project by China but created for the world, the justice discourse, and that BRI is here to stay. Hence, all four different themes added to China’s narrative, and specifically by challenging the idées and norms within global governance. In the conclusion, both critique towards the study was given such as my impact on the study as well as recommendations for future research which were to investigate other actors' narratives about BRI.
Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Humanitarian Law: A mixed-methods study to understand and explain how states’ position themselves vis-à-vis lethal autonomous weapons systems compliance with international humanitarian law
(2020-11-17) Andersin, Emelie; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
The purpose of this study is to understand and explain how states’ position themselves vis-à-vis lethal autonomous weapons systems (LAWS) compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL). It is important to understand and explain why states’ position themselves in the debate on LAWS compliance with IHL due to its rapid development and limited knowledge in this area. In gaining better knowledge of what influences states’ to be more or less concerned regarding LAWS compliance with IHL, will give contributions to the disciplines of International Relations and International Law. I will conduct this study in a mixed-methods design of two complementary research approaches, a qualitative and a quantitative. In the qualitative method, I posed three analytical questions to statements from the Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) meeting of 2019. The aim of the first quantitative analysis was to understand if the independent variables are factors to why states’ comply with IHL. All hypotheses were supported and reached the conventional levels of significance. In the quantitative analysis to examine states’ position on LAWS compliance with IHL, the results did not reach the conventional levels of significance, but mostly confirmed the hypotheses. The issue of LAWS is still at an early stage and much work is left to find convergence and consensus.
Them vs Us - The ontological significance of identity and (in)security in the Cold Conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia
(2019-12-17) Abdullah, Michael; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
In recent years, identity has become increasingly important within the field of International Relations and in studies of conflict. This has led to the widening of the field with the help of perspectives from the field of Psychology, and the emergence of ontological security theory (OST) where identity is a centrality. Originally, OST was applied on the individual-level but more recently, International Relations scholars have in different ways applied it to nation-states, groups and alike. In this study, the Cold Conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran will be the subject of research with the help of OST. Since the two states value their identities and incorporate them in their governments’ foreign and domestic policy through narratives and actions, OST will be used to help shed new light on this conflict and the security dilemma between the two states. The meaning of Cold Conflict in this context is that the two states yet have not, to a certain degree, directly engaged in or declared war with each other. The wars that are currently taking place in different countries in the Middle East can be traced back to Saudi Arabia and Iran, leading to the claim that these two regional powers are engaging in proxy wars for regional dominance in countries within the region. Saudi Arabia, as the government and by its state-officials, identifies itself as a powerful kingdom and the leader of the Muslim world. After the Iranian revolution in 1979, Iran emerged as an Islamic Republic and presented itself as a leader of Muslims while seeking regional leadership, tensions sparked between the two powers. This conflict can be linked to the sectarian wars within the region since the government of Saudi Arabia identifies as Sunni and the government of Iran as Shia and both states legitimize their foreign policy actions through narratives in which they use identity. The purpose of this study is to better understand how identity correlates with (in)security in this conflict, by applying OST to study the narratives and actions, of state-officials and leaders, that reflect the identities of Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Hur olika nationer framställs - En kritisk diskursanalys av Donald Trump
(2019-09-17) Gunnarsson, Lisen; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att belysa USA:s inflytande på konflikten mellan Israel och Palestina. Genom att titta närmare på hur Donald Trump porträtterar de olika aktörerna kan vi få en känsla för talets inverkan på den enskilda individen. Därav analyseras hur Donald Trump framställer USA, Israel och Palestina i sitt tal den 6 december 2017, där han tillkännager flytten av den amerikanska ambassaden från Tel Aviv till Jerusalem. I talet belyses skapandet av dikotomier genom ett postkolonialistiskt ramverk, där Edward Saids teorier om orienten är tongivande. Talet analyseras med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys närmare bestämt Norman Faircloughs tre analysnivåer: diskurs som text, diskursiv praktik och social praktik. Resultatet visar att alla tre analysnivåer på olika vis speglar ett dikotomiskt sätt att se världen, där USA och Israel jämställs medan Palestina hamnar på spektrumets motsatta sida. Dock uttrycks detta huvudsakligen explicit och det som utelämnas i talet är många gånger det som säger mest.
Perceiving Terrorism: A survey experiment about how Swedish students define terrorism based on the perpetrator’s ethnicity
(2019-02-20) von Mentzer Marcev, Niklas; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
The purpose of this study is to analyze how students perceive the concept of terrorism based on the ethnicity ascribed to the perpetrator. Studies conducted in the US have shown that the public defines political violence differently depending on the language used to describe the event, white perpetrators are more often called mass shooters while perpetrators of other ethnicities are more frequently called terrorists. At the same time, there is a lack of studies on that specific topic in Scandinavia and the aim of this study was to conduct a survey experiment to contribute to this field in a Swedish context. Respondents were reading a fictional scenario about a fatal shooting in Malmö, Sweden. Two groups (n=180) were participating in the experiment. The name of the perpetrator was deliberately changed to an Arabic name in the second group, compared to a Swedish name in the first group. Respondents were then asked to define the scenario and answer questions about the possible motive of the attack. The main result shows that the students were not more eager to define the event as a terror attack with the Arabic-named perpetrator. This could be explained by the fact that the respondents are mainly educated female students between 18-25 years. Further studies including a higher number of respondents from different age groups, background and social statutes will be needed to investigate this complex issue.
Vi måste hjälpa dom stackars flyktingarna: En kritisk diskursanalys av hjälpande, medlidande och andrafiering i Facebook-gruppen "Grannar i Torslanda"
(2018-03-21) Jern, Jessie; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
This single case study conducted with critical discourse analysis on qualitative interviews and comment fields, aims to critically reflect on the significance of the postcolonial concept of othering. Therefore, the first issue of the essay is about seeking to identify the dominant discourses associated with well-meaning helping expressions in the Facebook-group "Grannar i Torslanda" regarding the "in between- accommodation for refugees" of Lilleby Camping. By incorporating previous research on pity, postcolonial theory and critical whiteness studies, well-meaning and helpful statements towards refugees is analyzed through power relations. The second issue concerns how the discourses can be deconstructed to gain a better understanding of the underlying causes of pity, which is investigated through in-depth interviews and a psychologically theory along with the postcolonial perspective. This study indicates how helpful expressions towards refugees could contribute to the strengthening and maintenance of othering, but also how the colonial discourse about "the other" could be deconstructed and criticized through those expressions. There was also found a connection between power and pity.
Återkomsten av djungelns lag: om svensk arbetarrörelse och prekariatet
(2016-05-24) Ekström, Clara; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Hobbe’s Leviathan has not only proved important for the theory of International Relations. This explorative study suggests that Hobbe’s experiences from the British civil war (1648-51), “bellum omnium contra omnes”, and the role he gave Leviathan are of vital importance in order to understand the emerging situation on domestic labor markets, in this thesis illustrated by the case of the Swedish labor market. The neoliberal policy pursued during the last decades has implied an erosion of the social contract upon which Leviathan based its legitimacy and has subsequently put in danger social order, social cohesion and social sustainability. Traditionally the labor movement has been relatively unified. However, this is far from the reality of today. Standing (2013) describes a rise of what he calls the precariat - the new dangerous class. While the United Nations-system has moved towards a discourse where Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Human Rights are the utmost security object, this essay argues that it is possible to say that the labor market on the national level has made a return to the phase of anarchy and law of the jungle. The development is contradictory: on one hand R2P is the new paradigm, genetic enhancement and vendettas are objectionable and on the other hand is the law of the jungle the ideal of the free labor market. The main theoretical perspective is the emerging new social class in the Swedish labor market, the precariat, which constitutes the red line through the essay. Qualitative interviews are the method of this study. The people interviewed all work for central organizations: the worker’s educational association, union confederations, Gothenburg’s municipality management, Crossroads, the Social Service Center and the Swedish Social Insurance Agency. The aim of this study is to appose whether the chosen informants believe that a rise of a precariat is happening in Sweden or not, as well as if this would risk to shatter the labor movement and in that case which consequences this would have on the unions’ collective battle and bargaining position. In addition is the question about the fact that a large group in the labor market does not have a union voice that represents them addressed. Finally, Polanyi’s second movement is discussed, and the possibilities for such a movement if a unified class struggle no longer exists. None of the information provided by the interviewed disproves Standings theory. From their perspectives, it is possible to say that there is a rise of the precariat in Sweden. The focus on flexibility from the employers’ perspective causes a war of everyone against everyone among the workers. Employers may not only see flexibility as a necessity due to market forces, it may also be an effective tool for weakening the labor movement.
Securing the Heterosexual State: A study of the political debate surrounding homosexuality in Uganda
(2015-12-02) Blomén, Victoria; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
In 2009 a Ugandan Member of Parliament presented the so called Anti Homosexuality Bill to the Ugandan parliament. The Bill offers extensive restrictions in order to combat homosexuality, which is already a crime in Uganda. For example the Bill suggests death penalty for so called “aggravated homosexuality”. This study examines the political debate surrounding homosexuality in contemporary Uganda in order to gain an understanding of how homosexuality can emerge as something that warrants executions by the state. In this thesis I suggest that it is possible to think of the Anti Homosexuality Bill as a part of a heteronormative constitution of the nation-state. The study has been based upon poststructuralist theories concerning national identity, security and heteronormativity. In order to analyze the material I have used Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model for Critical Discourse Analysis as a basis for my methodological model. The results show that in the debate surrounding homosexuality in Uganda, homosexuality has been presented as a learned behavior that is foreign to Ugandan culture. By ascribing heteronormative values on the people of Uganda, homosexuality has been portrayed as a threat to Ugandan national identity and security. Nevertheless, this study also shows that in this debate, there are alternative presentations of homosexuality that challenge the heteronormative constitution of the Ugandan state.
The Role of Buddhism in Society and Radical Buddhist Mobilization: An Explorative Study of Young Monks in Sri Lanka
(2015-06-15) Pettersson, Theodora; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Radical Buddhist mobilization in post-war Sri Lanka is taking place in an international context where religious groups are gaining a lot of attention in for instance media and by political leaders as well as by researchers. The aim of this thesis was to explore young monks’ perceptions of the role of Buddhism in society and on radical Buddhist mobilization in Sri Lanka by specifically looking at perception of threats, protection of Buddhism, and cases of religious intolerance and violence. The material was collected through interviews with young monks in Sri Lanka. The contribution of this study provides an account on the monks’ views which gives us a first insight into issues they reflect upon which may be relevant in relation to Sri Lanka’s social development. The material is discussed in relation to discourses within International Relations research which in a mutual way situates the material in a theoretical context and contributes to these discourses by discussing them in relation to the material. Also, one source of perceived threats less pronounced in previous research was found which concerns ways Buddhists and monks themselves can threaten the role of Buddhism in the Sri Lankan society. In conclusion, elements of fear exist among some of the monks which should be addressed as it may have a decisive role on the future development.
Euroskepticism i västeuropeiska storpartier: En jämförelsestudie av svenska Socialdemokraterna och brittiska Conservative Party
(2015-05-26) Bornetjärn, Arzu; University of Gothenburg/School of Global Studies; Göteborgs universitet/Institutionen för globala studier
Denna studie jämför euroskepticismen inom två europeiska partier, Socialdemokraterna i Sverige och The Conservative and the Unionist Party i Storbritannien, i syfte att bidra till svaret på följande frågor: vilka faktorer är drivande i frågan om ett europeiskt storpartis euroskepticism och vilka likheter respektive skillnader kan identifieras inom dylika partiers euroskepticism? Den teoretiska utgångspunkten är Paul Taggart och Aleks Szczerbiaks förklaringsmodell i vilken partibaserad euroskepticism definieras genom dess orsaker. Studien visar vilka av dessa orsaker är giltiga för respektive parti och möjliggör att resultaten kan översättas till europeiska partier i allmänhet. Studien använder sig även av klyvningsteorin och exceptionalism begreppet som kompletterande. Materialet till studien utgörs huvudsakligen av litteratur som beskriver respektive partis euroskepticism samt de svenska och brittiska kontexterna som omringar dem.

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